2016/04/08

IMEMC: Israeli forces have killed 2,000 Palestinian Children, wounded 13,000, jailed 12,000 since 2000

IMEMC writes that Israeli forces have killed 2,000 Palestinian Children, wounded 13,000, jailed 12,000 since 2000.

About 2,070 Palestinian children have been killed, and more 13,000 injured since the outbreak of Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000, until this past March, official sources have reported, according to Al Ray.

Israeli occupation forces detained more than 12,000 Palestinian children since 2000, while nearly 480 children are still languishing in Israeli prisons. Of them, almost 95% were severely tortured and beaten during the arrest campaign and interrogations intervals, a press statement issued by the Ministry of Information stated.

Emphasis Mine

What a truly racist society Israel has become when murder, torture and imprisonment of children is routine. Hatred for the Arab has removed all humanity from the Hebraic-speaking Israeli.


Read more!

Doug Enaa Greene: Amadeo Bordiga and the development of a revolutionary core

Doug Enaa Greene examines Amadeo Bordiga and the development of a revolutionary core.

Despite Bordiga's differences with the factory council movement and L'Ordine Nuovo, he had supported the call for workers' control of production. And events in Italy brought the two wings of the revolutionary left closer together. By 1920, the factory council movement had launched several general strikes which had put the question of power on the agenda. However, the Socialist Party and the trade unions, showed that their bark was worse than their bite. Although verbally militant, the PSI fed revolutionary expectations among the workers, but they were never ready to commit themselves to make a challenge for power. When the workers were in the streets, they preached patience and calm. They had no idea how to mold the masses or to make the revolution, in fact they did not even think it was their responsibility to do so. In one of the strangest tragicomedies in history, in September 1920 the PSI Directorate debated whether or not to turn the factory occupations into a bid for power. They passed this responsibility for answering this question over to the unions who rejected any attempt at revolution by a vote of 591,245 to 409,569. The Italian factory council movement, which remained directionless and decentralized, was ultimately demoralized and fell apart. The stage was now set for fascism to pacify the working class and restore “order” through systematic violence which the socialists were unable to respond to.

Emphasis Mine

This is a very important point. The idea of a revolution involves the taking of power, and the dismantling of the Capitalist state.

For a revolutionary party not to be ready for this, opens the door to the Fascist reaction as happened in Germany, Italy, and Hungary. Spain was different in that the revolution failed to keep power amid infighting over the direction of the revolution.

Bordiga dropped out of politics and quietly pursued his engineering career until after the fall of Mussolini in 1943. Thereafter, he was politically involved in small left communist groups and wrote extensively on the nature of the Soviet Union and Marxist theory. Bordiga believed that the historical moment was unfavorable for revolutionary action and he devoted himself to propagating and educating Marxism to the few devoted militants who remained loyal to him. However, the left communist movement that Bordiga inspired remains miniscule and isolated. The fate of Bordiga has been unkind, he has generally been eclipsed in histories of Italian communism by Antonio Gramsci. While Gramsci is a far more creative Marxist, it needs to be said Bordiga was at times more far-sighted than him on what needed to be done — especially in the early days. It is unlikely that the Communist Party of Italy would have been created without his tireless energy. Ultimately, Bordiga's adherence to program provided him with stability and a political compass while others were led astray, but at the same time, he was prone to mechanical, rigid and moribund thinking that left him unable to develop the appropriate strategies needed by the PCI to endure fascism and build a mass movement. Bordiga remained frozen and faithful to a heroic moment that passed, which was both his strength and weakness.

Emphasis Mine

The revolutionary must both be embedded in the current struggle of the working class, and aim for a communist revolution. We must continually evaluate where we are and where we want to go.

The fetish for an enduring revolutionary programme is self-defeating. The programme is a call-to-arms among the currently existing conditions. As these conditions change, the programme must change to adapt to emphasise revolutionary potential.


Read more!

2016/04/07

Chris Dillow: Incentives as ideology

Chris Dillow sees Incentives as ideology.

All this poses the question: if high-powered incentives can so often fail or backfire, why do they still exist in some places? I suspect the main reason is that whilst the idea that big rewards are necessary to elicit good performance might be often wrong, it serves as a useful justification for inequality. What we have here is ideology masquerading as economics.

Emphasis Mine

No further comment is needed.


Read more!

Cathy O'Neil: There are lots of ways to break up the big banks

Cathy O'Neil writes that There are lots of ways to break up the big banks.

Which is why, when I hear people complaining about Sanders not have a specific enough plan for breaking up the big banks, I think it’s hogwash. What Sanders has, which is sorely needed, in fact is the crucial missing ingredient to any discussion around big banks, is the political will to do something. Once the political will is there, the details can be sorted out by people who think about this stuff all the time.

Emphasis Mine

This is probably the best response to criticism from people like Menzie Chinn who looks at The Financial Regulatory Policies of Senator Sanders…Again:

As I’ve noted before, Senator Sanders has unique views on financial regulation. I’ve never quite understood the specifics of the “break up the banks” proposal, and after his interview with the New York Daily News and subsequent “clarification”, understood even less.

What we have is a deep division within the political Left. There are those who, like O'Neil and Sanders, see the need for a political revolution in order to save the Capitalist system. And there are those, like Chinn, who see that the system is safe with the current establishment which Hilary Clinton represents as the remaining credible presidential candidate.

Out on the far margins, there are people like me who support the nationalisation of the banks. They serve an economic and political function. They are not profit centres.


Read more!