Mexico: 2014 saw a resurgence of the broad opposition movement

Dan La Botz writes Mexico: 2014 saw a resurgence of the broad opposition movement.

Moreover, it should be remembered that the United States government will never permit: 1) the coming to power of a left government, either through election or revolution; 2) a military coup; or 3) a total breakdown in social order. The United States must maintain a nominal democracy in Mexico, because it cannot preserve democracy in North America and in its “own backyard” (as Mexico is always so disrespectfully called), it will lose credibility throughout the world. To say nothing of the billions of dollars of US investments in Mexico that must be preserved. Consequently, Washington has spent $3 billion in the last six years on the Mérida Intiative, a border security, counter-narcotics and counterterrorism program established by the George W. Bush administration in 2008. The US Defense Department also spends millions of dollars to train the Mexican military. The United States will not permit Mexico to go South.

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With the resurgence of a broad opposition movement in Mexico, the last four months of 2014 represented a dramatic turn in the fortunes of the government of Enrique Peña Neto and his PRI party. The Ayotzinapa solidarity movement and the call for a constituent assembly to “refound” Mexico represent serious social and political challenges to the president, the ruling party and to the existing political system.

At the moment, the working class remains on the sidelines, more a spectator than a participant. Social change in 2015 will depend in large measure on resurgence of working-class activity as well.

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Democracy is always dangerous for the Capitalists for people with the wrong ideas could get elected and start doing harm to the interests of the Capitalists. So, we have the facade of democracy while real power is concentrated in the bureaucracy, barracks, and board-rooms.

We can never have true democracy until all of the organs of power (state, military, and economic) are answerable to the popular will.

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Sci-jacking

Noah Smith assures us that Economics is free of Sci-jacking .

But an even broader point is that econ has always resisted being sci-jacked. Studies find that political bias exists, but is small in size. If you've spent much time in an econ department, you know this — economists generally bend over backward to avoid the appearance of politicization. It's impossible, of course, to completely expunge politics from one's opinions and priors and basic beliefs, but economists, in the main, seem to have done an admirable job of staying as politically neutral as humanly possible. Even Milton Friedman, who was a member of the Mont Pelerin society and the most prominent conservative activist in the profession, made an attempt to separate his assessment of the facts from his own opinions and desires. And the "leftward shift" I talked about in my BV article has been more pronounced in the public sphere — in academia, the shift has been only minor and muted, because any earlier rightward tilt was also only minor and muted.

In other words, econ was never in danger of falling prey to sci-jackers, the way anthropology has. The sci-jackers made a lot of noise and established a lot of think tanks and coined a lot of buzzwords, but their assault broke on the walls of academic objectivity. I think econ deserves a lot of credit for that fact.

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Here we have another example of the Capitalist ideological superstructure blinding the masses by promoting academic objectivity. Trust us, they say, because we are outside of the political system.

He cannot see that he is part of the system. His blindness has allowed him entry into it. His blindness is a political act and a political necessity. he would be unlikely to find employment otherwise.

By promoting neutrality, he has implied that there is no alternatives to Capitalism in Economic study. The assumptions of agent behaviour and formation can only be explained through Capitalist eyes.

He cannot see that the economic forces create the political reality which then sustains the economic separation between Capitalists and workers. This separation aligns the political structure with the Capitalists.

However, the ideological system of Capitalism requires egalitarism and meritocracy. The purpose of the ideological superstructure is to disguise this alignment of the state with the interests of the Capitalists by promoting the ideas of government neutrality, academic objectivity, press freedom, and artist freedom.

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Hip hop, the boardroom, and the street

Dan Little writes Hip hop, the boardroom, and the street.

Hurt asks penetrating questions about the relationship between the street, the music industry, and youth culture. The documentary takes on a powerful strand of popular culture and the pop culture industry that creates it and undertakes to piece together an interpretation of the meanings this system of lyrics and images has. Hurt wants to know how this medium influences the young men and women who follow it. But he also asks how the content of the medium itself is shaped by the profit imperatives of the music industry. And it becomes clear that this is a complicated mix of commercial interests and some young men’s distorted ideas of masculinity.

This is real social criticism, in the Frankfurt School sense. The documentary raises a crucial question: Why is it that the music industry gives the lucrative contracts to the most violent, misogynist, and degrading rappers? And why has it been increasingly difficult for more radical and critical bloggers to get contracts and distribution in the past fifteen years? A young rapper offers a striking theory: it is preferable for white America to have hip hop music glorifying violence and sex in the hood than the messages of anti-racism and class-sensitized anger that are found in Public Enemy.

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This is a complex set of issues, with causation going in many directions. The commercial interests of the major music companies drive the content of the videos and recordings; the content of the music influences the behavior and practice of young men and women in the neighborhoods; events in the street reflect back into the content of hip hop art; and realities in the neighborhoods are determined by the larger structures of power and race in our society. It is possible to see the formative power of popular culture on behavior; the media on popular culture; the business of music on the content of popular culture; the extreme behaviors that seem to result on the street; and the ideological forces that permeate all of this.

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Here we have a genuine popular art-form based on egalitarism and meritocracy moulded into a sexist and racist form by the Capitalist system for inclusion into the ideological superstructure. The purpose is to divide us and to distract us from the real problems.

Instead of the anger of young black men being directed against the Capitalist system and its agents, commercial hip-hop is being used to direct that anger against each other, and against women. It also serves to frighten white people.

And to whom do we turn we are frightened by angry black men? The system that created that violence in the first place. They both create the need and fill the need. Just like the case of Isalmophobia: they create radicalised Muslims, and use them to frighten the rest of us. And, of course, they have the only solution.

We need to break this cycle of violence that Capitalism creates and feeds on. We need to become masters of our destiny instead of being continually frightened by the bogeymen created by the system.

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Sri Lanka: Mahinda Rajapaksa defeated, Australia urged to push for new way

The Tamil Refugee Council writes Sri Lanka: Mahinda Rajapaksa defeated, Australia urged to push for new way.

“The Australian Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, could start by reversing Australia’s “whatever it-takes-to-stop-the-boats” foreign policy, which included the shameful (unsuccessful) decision to block the current UN war crimes investigation — a move which saw Australia reject its traditional allies, such as the US, UK and Canada and side with such noted human rights’ abusers as China, Russia and Saudi Arabia.

“Abbott also needs to stop condoning Sri Lankan torture, as he did at CHOGM in Colombo in 2013, and see the change in leadership as a chance to help re-direct policies away from military-led repression to a new way that allows Tamils, in particular, to live the way they decide, and in peace and harmony.

“If Australia really wants to stop Tamils fleeing in the long term, then the root cause must be addressed, which is the persecution. We can only hope that this forms part of the discussion in Abbott’s congratulatory phone call to Sirisena.”

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Australia is deeply involved in the genocide of Tamils in Sri Lanka through our government's support of theirs, and through the forced repatriation of Tamil refugees back to Sri Lanka. We have a shared xenophobia and a desire for a mono-cultural state based on a single language (English and Singhalese) and a single religion (Christianity and Buddhism).

Tamil refugees must be allowed sanctaury in Australia until they feel safe enough to return to a Sri Lanka that is truly multi-cultural.

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Paul Krugman: Voodoo Time Machine

Mark Thoma posts excerpts from Voodoo Time Machine, by Paul Krugman, Commentary, NY Times.

The main point, however, is that we’re looking at a political subculture in which ideological tenets are simply not to be questioned… Supply-side economics is valid no matter what actually happens to the economy, guaranteed health insurance must be a failure even if it’s working, and anyone who points out the troubling facts is ipso facto an enemy.

And we’re not talking about marginal figures. You sometimes hear claims that the old-fashioned Republican establishment is making a comeback, that Tea Party extremists are on the run and we can get back to bipartisan cooperation. But that is a fantasy. We can’t have meaningful cooperation when we can’t agree on reality, when even establishment figures in the Republican Party essentially believe that facts have a liberal bias.

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As a Capitalist economist, Krugman can say this with a straight face because his reality is a Capitalist one. He could have only ascended through the ranks of academia and to have a regular column in the New York Times by doing so. Misfits are efficiently weeded out.

Academia and the press are but two (2) components of the ideological superstructure that justifies, preserves and defends the Capitalist system. Their credo is that Capitalist:

…ideological tenets are simply not to be questioned…

Their entire existence is to present and interpret reality in Capitalist terms, and to find excuses when reality cannot be made Capitalist.

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Socialists: Abbott's Paris massacre response 'no solution'

Socialist Alliance released a statement: Socialists: Abbott's Paris massacre response 'no solution'.

Socialist Alliance condemns the conservative religious fundamentalist sects which promote and carry out such acts of violence. These sects are deadly enemies of democracy, justice and progress and their violent and sectarian actions weaken the real struggles for a just, equitable, democratic and sustainable future.

The Socialist Alliance also warns against and condemns any attempts by Western politicians, governments, corporate media and others to use this latest incident to whip up racist Islamophobia which is already virulent in the rich countries of the world.

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Religion is being used as a tool of oppression, rather than a source of liberation. We need to take back religion from the rich, and use it to serve the needs of the poor.

Religion has been absorbed into the ideological superstructure that hides and excuses the true horrors of Capitalism. We need to wrench religion out like we need to wrench the press from the clutches of the Capitalists.

Unless this gross global inequality and oppression is ended, Abbott's warning that there will be more terrorist acts in the future is guaranteed to be fulfilled. But the Abbott government offers no real solutions. It offers only an intensification of the deadly cycle of violence.

Socialist Alliance calls for real solutions to the cycle of violence that must include:

• Ending Australian participation in all imperialist military interventions and occupations.
• Breaking from all imperialist military alliances and closing all US military bases and facilities in Australia.
• Just reparations to the victims of all Australian military interventions.
• An end to the war on refugees and full implementation of obligations under the Refugee Convention.
• Abolition the new, undemocratic “security” laws passed by the Abbott Liberal-National government with the support of the Australian Labor Party.

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Capitalism is the true source of terror throughout the world as it bombs, starves, invades, ravages countries throughout the world. Not even Australia is immune to these horrors as neighbourhoods are emptied of poor people so that the rich can get a better view of Sydney Harbour, or water supplies and crop land are poisoned through fracking.

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Freedom's supporters

Chris Dillow looks for Freedom's supporters.

Herein, though, lies my question. Where are the real, honest, defenders of freedom?

We'll obviously not find them in the police or security services who forever want to expand their powers. Nor are the main political parties unequivocally on the side of freedom. The coalition, like New Labour, has actually increased the number of new criminal offences. And the next election is likely to be a competition for who can most restrict freedom of movement. Nor should we expect companies to support freedom. Those bloggers who have criticized newspapers for not reprinting Charlie Hebdo's cartoons miss the point - that people become bosses by surrendering principle to pragmatism, which is no basis for a vigorous defence of freedom. More generally, as Nick says, companies use libel laws to suppress critics.

It's in this context that we should remember one of Marx's insights. Ideals, he thought, triumph not because of their intellectual strength but because of their political power: capitalism, he thought, would be overthrown not by sweet reason but by the power of the working class. The problem that we supporters of freedom have is that whilst we have right on our side, we don't have might.

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In the class war against Capitalism, we should always remember whose side we are on. We should be wary when the Capitalists cry out for the freedom of the press. We should what their agenda is.

The ideological superstructure of the Capitalist system, of which the press is a part, exists to preserve and defend the Capitalist system. The press continually extols the virtues and saving grace of Capitalism, follows the heroics of the Capitalists, wonder at their titantic battles. We are to be mesmerised by the wonders of Capitalism.

Capitalism can do no wrong, but it is a fragile thing for any interference results in malfunctioning of the system. And any criticism also threatens the system by upsetting the delicate natures of these heroic and valiant Capitalists.

But we should remember that freedom of the press means freedom to attack the enemies of Capitalism. But this does mean that the enemies of Capitalism have the same freedom to attack Capitalism.

The weapons used against the critics are economic, political, and police. The economic ones include deny employment to political cartoonists, like Ted Rall, and suppressing their work from being published. The political and police tactics include equating criticism with terrorism.

It is up to people like us to:

1. Support Ted Rall
2. Support Green Left Weekly

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Editors, Not Terrorists, Killed American Political Cartooning

Ted Rall writes that Editors, Not Terrorists, Killed American Political Cartooning.

There is still powerful political cartooning online. Ironically, the Internet contributes to the death of satire in America by sating the demand for hard-hitting political art. Before the Web, if a paper canceled my cartoons they would receive angry letters from my fans. Now my readers find me online — but the Internet pays pennies on the print dollar. I’m stubbornly hanging on, but many talented cartoonists, especially the young, won’t work for free.

It’s not that media organizations are broke. Far from it. Many are profitable. American newspapers and magazines employ tens of thousands of writers — they just don’t want anyone writing or drawing anything that questions the status quo, especially not in a form as powerful as political cartooning.

The next time you hear editors pretending to stand up for freedom of expression, ask them if they employ a cartoonist.

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For political cartoonists, like Ted Rall, to survive, he needs the support of people like us. The Capitalist elite has no need of such people because they fearlessly question and expose the status quo. But we need such people in order to show the lies that underlie the reality of everyday Capitalism.

Please Support Ted Rall.

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The POUM: Those who would?

Doug Enaa Greene discusses The POUM: Those who would?.

In the end, the revolution in Spain was lost not during the May Days of 1937, but long before. While the POUM arguably possessed a revolutionary program of victory, they had made a number of strategic errors before the war which isolated their influence to Catalonia. And during the war itself, the POUM's policies were two-faced: looking toward the Popular Front and for revolution. This was not helped by their ineffective leadership and their lack of allies.

The anarchists by contrast had the potential mass influence and zeal to carry a revolution across Spain. However, their own doctrine prevented them from doing what was necessary in order to win. At the moment when victory was possible, and power was in their hands, they threw it away. The Spanish Civil War also threw up new problems that anarchism couldn't comprehend. It showed that the path to victory was not as easy as abolishing the state and proclaiming libertarian communism. Rather, a state was needed to plan production, organize the war effort and mobilize the populace. And despite the later myth-making, the Spanish anarchists recognized this in practice when they joined the Generalitat and Republican government to prosecute the war.

And in light of the fact that neither of the options proposed by the POUM or the anarchists were viable options — whether through lack of will or ability — that left only the Communist Party's strategy. The PCE, whatever other mistakes they may have made, clearly recognized that a centralized regular army was needed to win the war. And in light of everything, they possessed both the means and the will to put their plans into action.

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The Spanish Civil War is seen as a battle between the ideals of Bolshevikism and Anarchism. It is also a lesson in not compromising the strategy of armed insurrection in order to seize state power.

Popular fronts are a means of drawing workers and others into active politics, and for various political parties to explore ideas and actions in common. But they are not a means of waging a revolution.

The lessons of Russian Revolution cannot be directly applied to other revolutions. There are general lessons like democratic centralism, and soviets. There are the particular lessons, relevant to Russia, of how to approach and involve the peasants.

The success of the Boliveran Revolution in Venezuela is due the radicalisation of the armed forces, and the capture of state power through the electoral process. The former allowed the latter to happen. Yet, this revolution is not secure because the economic power is divided in Venezuela thereby contributing to a prolonged period of dual power.

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Greece: 'Troika stop! Give them back their democracy!'

'Troika stop! Give them back their democracy!'.

It is up to the people of Greece, father of democracy but today matyr of austerity, to decide, in sovereignty, upon their future.

We, citizens of Europe, demand that the international financial institutions, the ratings agencies and the European authorities immediately cease their shameful pressuring. It is not up to the current European institutions and finance to dictate to the people for whom they should vote! Austerity is a political choice that they should be able to reject democratically!

We are in chorus with SYRIZA in saying that Greece’s problem is the same as that of all of Europe and that what is playing out here could signal the beginning of a new European adventure.

We, citizens of Europe say to the Greek people: do not fear, you can count on us, we are at your side. Our Europe is not theirs; it is yours.

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Democracy is only acceptable to Capitalists when their interests are preserved. Otherwise, coups are organised as happened in Iran in 1953, in Guatemala in 1954, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1965, in Greece in 1967, etc..

Even though SYRIXA wins the election, there is still the danger of a military coup and subsequent brutal repression. Capital must have its way in a Capitalist society, no matter what the means are.

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Most people wait (for most people)

Seth Godin writes that Most people wait (for most people).

No, most people wait. For most people.

Worth a pause to understand that this is literally true, obviously true, and not a criticism of those who choose to go first nor of those who wait.

The marketer's challenge, then, is to work hard to get to the point where most people (in the community) feel that most people are accepting the new product or service. Outbound marketing is largely the act of alerting the right people in the community at the right time… to keep most people in sync (which is our goal as most people).

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This is why mass actions are so important. They are a visible demonstration of how people care about an issue that they come out onto the streets to show their support.

This shows a greater level of commitment than voting, writing to the papers, blogging, tweeting, face-booking, etc..

Even those demostrations ebb and flow. Remember February 2003 when 1,000,000 Australians marched against the war in Iraq? Remember the anti-globalisation protests in Melbourne in 2000, and in Sydney in 2001?

Thus, there is the need for a revolutionary party to capture those experiences and lessons for the next time public anger swells up.

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Uncertainty is not the same thing as risk

Seth Godin says Uncertainty is not the same thing as risk.

That's not risky. That's uncertain. It takes fortitude to live with a future that's not clearly imagined, but it's no reason not to apply.

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It is risky being a Communist. It is certain that one will end up either dead or in gaol.

But it is important to pursue a vision of a society in which people control their own lives and live in harmony with others because all share in the bounty that society produces.

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Big data and class

Cathy O'Neil writes on Big data and class.

This is a sentiment I’ve noticed a lot, although it’s not usually this obvious. Namely, the elite don’t need to be monitored, but the rabble does. The rich and powerful get to be quirky philosophers but the rest of the population need to be ranked and filed. And, by the way, we are spying on them for their own good.

In other words, never mind how big data creates and expands classism; classism already helps decide who is put into the realm of big data in the first place.

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The Capitalist know they are in a class war. They know that their survival is at stake. Any means to keep us down and under control is justified.

Our privacy is an impediment to their control. Privacy is a privilege of the Capitalist, not the worker.

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Coming next week: “Capitalism and Climate Change: The Science and Politics of Global Warming”

Stephanie McMillan writes the foreword to Coming next week: “Capitalism and Climate Change: The Science and Politics of Global Warming”.

Capitalism is dynamic, resilient and adaptable — it won’t collapse on its own. Capitalists are ruthless and heavily militarized — they won’t let go of power easily. Our recognition of these sobering facts clarify our responsibilities. We need to build organizations at all levels: a broad mass movement to weaken and slow down capitalism’s destructiveness, along with revolutionary organizations working for its overthrow and for a viable alternative. The struggle against ecocide is an integral part of class struggle. It can only be won in the context of the fundamental struggle of the working class against exploitation, for emancipation, for the demise of capitalism.

Facing today’s environmental emergency may seem overwhelming and even terrifying, but we can’t let it defeat us before trying everything necessary to stop it. Nothing else we can do with our lives is more important. This is not a moment for passive resignation or paralysis of grief, but for summoning all our courage and determination for the difficult fight ahead.

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This dual level approach of broad mass movements and revolutionary party building is essential for the success of any Communist revolution. We must get large sections of the people active in the political process, and draw from them cadre who are able to develop their political consciousness faster the masses but still be able to relate to them.

As long as people see options, they will consider them. It is only there are no viable options that hopelessness sets in. This is why the Capitalists keep saying, “There is no alternative”. By expanding people's political consciousness, we can overcome this hopelessness by presenting more options to explore.

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What is a European?

Dan Little asks What is a European?.

One of the theorists who believed that a pan-European identity was possible was Karl Marx. His view was partial but emphatically trans-national: he believed that international working men and women could come to have a shared class identity that transcended national boundaries. But the mobilization of working class men and women into the armies of Britain, France, Italy, Germany, and Russia in 1914 provided a harsh reality check on that notion, at least in the historical circumstances of the early twentieth century. It appeared that nation and patriotic feelings trumped class and international solidarity. (Here is a very interesting collection edited by Marcello Musto, The International Workingmen's Association, that provides some of the founding documents and later discussions of Marx's version of internationalism.)

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Nationality and patriotism are weapons for the Capitalists to divide the working class everywhere. Instead of recognising the Capitalist as the enemy, we are taught to hate the foreigner. Un-Australian is an insult even though it applies to 99.5% of the world's population.

One hundred years ago, the ideals of the Second International were betrayed by the social-democratic parties who rushed to prove their loyalty to the homeland by rushing off to war.

The anti-war stance of the Bolshevik Party helped it to win over the workers, soldiers, and peasants during the Russian Revolution. Most of the other socialist parties tried to keep Russia in the war, and lost support and members as a result. It was this consistent and clear focus on who the real enemy is, that helped develop the political consciousness of the working class and its allies.

We should remember we are human beings first, but it is the necessity that we have to work that defines our political consciousness. Being a worker defines how we see the world. We cannot rely on non-workers to look to our interests. We must do that ourselves.

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Greece: If SYRIZA wins the election, what might happen next?

Lisa Mittendrein and Valentin Schwarz asks If SYRIZA wins the election, what might happen next?.

Possibly the most serious strategy would be for the ECB to threaten to stop providing liquidity to Greek banks. Varoufakis describes this as a "nuclear weapon" which could bring the Greek banking sector down almost immediately. It would be extreme, but not unthinkable: In December 2014, the ECB threatened to effectively cut off Greek banks unless the government complied with Troika wishes. Varoufakis is convinced that a SYRIZA government must be prepared for this form of blackmail if it is to last long enough to negotiate a new deal for Greece.

Despite all these challenges, there is still optimism among SYRIZA members. Although many consider it possible that their government could last only for a few weeks, they say their chances are better today than they would have been in 2012. They see fractures within the neoliberal bloc that they can try to exploit, like the ECB’s fear of deflation, the position of Italy’s prime minister Matteo Renzi, and the recent conflicts within the French government. By getting into government and implementing first measures, SYRIZA hopes to accelerate existing debates, especially within European social democracy and the trade unions.

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This is the major problem that reformers face: they must work within a system hostile to the interests of the workers and others. The system is never neutral—it always works in the favour of the ruling class whoever they may be.

But as Trotsky says, people must explore every option the old system offers before they consider replacing it. And the election of a radical party is one such option.

The problem comes with the inevitable defeat of such an event. SYRIZA will either be co-opted into the system, or crushed through unrelenting political, police, and economic pressure. The question is how much of its radical program can be implemented before its demise.

Another question is whether people will lose hope and sink into apathy, or retreat before trying again. Much of the answer depends on the level of political consciousness of the people, and how fast that is evolving as events unfold. This is where the acceleration of debates comes in.

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Who bears risk?

Chris Dillow writes Who bears risk?.

By contrast, many of City Link's drivers had to supply capital to the firm in the form of paying for uniforms and van livery, and are unsecured creditors who might not get back what they are owed. Many thus face a bigger loss as a share of their wealth than Mr Moulton. In this sense, it is workers rather than capitalists who are risk-takers.

This point is not, of course, specific to City Link. Most decent-sized businesses represent only a small fraction of a diversified portfolio for their capitalist owners, whereas suppliers of human capital usually have to put all their eggs into the basket of one firm; only a small minority of us have "portfolio careers" . All that stuff they teach you about the benefits of diversification applies in the real world to capital, not labour.

There are two implications of all this.

First, it means that the idea that capitalists are brave entrepreneurs who deserve big rewards for taking risk is just rubbish. As Olivier Fournout has shown, the idea of managers as heroes is an ideological construct which serves to legitimate power and rent-seeking.

Secondly, it suggests that ownership might in some cases lie in the wrong hands. Common sense tells us that those who have most skin in the game should have the biggest say simply because they have the biggest incentive to ensure that the firm succeeds. As Oliver Hart - who's hardly a raving lefty - says: "a party with an important investment or important human capital should have ownership rights." This is yet another case for worker ownership.

This in turn reminds us of a cost of inequality; sometimes, ownership is in the wrong hands simply because the most efficient owners can't afford to buy the firm.

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But Dillow is still arguing for the private ownership of the means of production. It is this that is the problem, no matter who owns the firm, because the focus is on profit, not on satisfying human need.

However, it is interesting for a Capitalist economist, like Dillow, to see the benefits of worker ownership, even under Capitalism. These benefits are greater productivity (and therefore greater profits), and more successful firms.

Under Communism, there is no need for the workers to purchase firms as these will be owned by the public. How this will be achieved is something that society needs to work out.

THe important difference is that the firm is held in trust from society, and is to be used for the benefit for the whole of society, instead of for the narrow interests of the private owners.

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